Which of the following sets of newspapers reflected the concerns of educated Indian Muslims during the Khilafat Movement ?

1. Genesis of the Khilafat Movement & Pan-Islamism (basic)

To understand the Khilafat Movement, we must first look at the concept of the Khalifa (or Caliph). Historically, the Sultan of Turkey was regarded as the spiritual and temporal head of the global Muslim community (the Ummah). During World War I, Turkey sided with the Central Powers against Britain. When the war ended, the British and their allies imposed the Treaty of Sevres, which sought to dismantle the Ottoman Empire and weaken the Sultan’s authority. This created a wave of resentment among Indian Muslims, who felt their religious identity and the sanctity of Islamic holy places were under threat History, class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.32.

This resentment birthed Pan-Islamism in India—the idea that Muslims across the world are bound by a shared religious identity that transcends national borders. In India, this was not just a religious protest; it was a sophisticated political mobilization. As historian Gail Minault noted, using a pan-Islamic symbol opened the door for pan-Indian Islamic political mobilization History, class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.37. The movement, led by the Ali Brothers (Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali), demanded that the Sultan retain control over Muslim sacred places and that the Jazirat-ul-Arab (comprising Arabia, Syria, Iraq, and Palestine) remains under Muslim sovereignty THEMES IN INDIAN HISTORY PART III, History CLASS XII (NCERT 2025 ed.), MAHATMA GANDHI AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, p.290.

A critical engine for this movement was the radical nationalist press. Intellectuals used journalism to move the community away from the conservative, pro-British stance of the old Aligarh school toward militant nationalism. These journals became the voice of the movement, educating the masses and the elite alike:

Leader	Journal/Newspaper	Target Audience/Language
Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar	The Comrade	English; educated elite and British officials
Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar	Hamdard	Urdu; mass mobilization
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad	Al-Hilal	Urdu; anti-imperialist sentiments
Maulana Zafar Ali Khan	Zamindar	Urdu; militant nationalism

By articulating these concerns, the Khilafat leadership successfully linked international religious grievances with the domestic anti-colonial struggle, providing a platform for Mahatma Gandhi to later unite the Khilafat cause with the Non-Cooperation Movement Rajiv Ahir, A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.), Chapter 16: Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.329.

Sources: History , class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.32, 37; THEMES IN INDIAN HISTORY PART III, History CLASS XII (NCERT 2025 ed.), MAHATMA GANDHI AND THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, p.290; Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM., Chapter 16: Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.329

2. The Gandhian Synthesis: Non-Cooperation and Khilafat (intermediate)

The Gandhian Synthesis represents one of the most brilliant strategic maneuvers in Indian history: the merging of the Khilafat Movement (a religious-political struggle to protect the Ottoman Caliphate) with the Non-Cooperation Movement (a nationalist struggle for Indian rights). By late 1919, Indian Muslims were deeply aggrieved by the Treaty of Sevres, which dismembered the Ottoman Empire and threatened the spiritual authority of the Sultan (the Khalifa). Mahatma Gandhi recognized this as a unique opportunity to bridge the communal divide, famously stating it was a chance to unite Hindus and Muslims that wouldn't arise for another hundred years. Through the radical nationalist press—with figures like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (through Al-Hilal) and the Ali Brothers (through The Comrade and Hamdard)—the Muslim community's focus shifted from conservative loyalty toward militant anti-imperialism Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India, Chapter 16, p. 329.

The formal marriage of these two causes occurred in 1920. Initially, an all-party meet in Allahabad in June 1920 approved a boycott program, and Gandhi was asked to lead the movement Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India, Chapter 16, p. 331. The movement officially launched on August 31, 1920, with three core demands: the redressal of the Punjab wrongs (Jallianwala Bagh), a favorable treaty for Turkey, and the establishment of Swaraj History, Class XII (Tamilnadu State Board), Advent of Gandhi and Mass Mobilisation, p. 47. This synthesis gave the Indian National Congress a truly pan-Indian, multi-religious mass base for the first time.

The ideological peak of this synthesis was reached at the Nagpur Session of Congress (December 1920). Here, a fundamental shift occurred: the Congress creed was changed from achieving self-government through 'constitutional means' to the attainment of Swaraj through 'peaceful and legitimate means' Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India, Chapter 16, p. 332. This signaled the end of the 'Moderate' era of petitioning and the beginning of an extra-constitutional mass struggle. To sustain this, the organizational structure was overhauled, creating a 15-member Congress Working Committee (CWC) and Provincial Committees based on linguistic lines to reach the common man India and the Contemporary World – II. History-Class X. NCERT, Nationalism in India, p. 33.

The movement unfolded in stages, starting with the surrender of titles and the boycott of government-run schools, courts, and foreign cloth. It aimed to paralyze the British administration by withdrawing Indian cooperation while simultaneously building 'National' alternatives like Panchayats and Vidyapeeths Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India, Chapter 16, p. 339. This was not just a protest; it was an attempt to prove that the British could only rule India as long as Indians chose to be ruled.

Sources: Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM., Chapter 16: Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.329, 331, 332, 339; India and the Contemporary World – II. History-Class X. NCERT(Revised ed 2025), Nationalism in India, p.33; History, class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Advent of Gandhi and Mass Mobilisation, p.47

3. Shifting Ideologies: From Aligarh School to Militant Nationalism (intermediate)

To understand the evolution of Muslim political thought in India, we must first look at the Aligarh Movement. Founded by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in 1875, its primary goal was to reconcile Western scientific education with Islamic teachings to improve the socio-economic status of Muslims History, Class XI (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Towards Modernity, p.303. Politically, the Aligarh School advocated for pro-British loyalism. Sir Syed believed that the community's interests were best served by remaining close to the British and distancing themselves from the Indian National Congress, which he feared would lead to 'Hindu domination' History, Class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Communalism in Nationalist Politics, p.74.

However, by the second decade of the 20th century, a younger generation of educated Muslims—the 'Young Turks'—began to feel that this subservient policy was failing. They were disillusioned by British actions, such as the reversal of the Partition of Bengal and the hostile treatment of the Ottoman Empire (the Caliphate) during the Balkan Wars. This disillusionment shifted the tide from the conservative Aligarh school toward militant nationalism. Unlike the older leaders, these new voices sought to align Muslim political goals with the broader anti-imperialist struggle of the Congress Rajiv Ahir, A Brief History of Modern India, Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.329.

The most powerful tools in this ideological shift were radical nationalist journals. Leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad used his paper Al-Hilal to propagate anti-British sentiments and a synthesis of Islamic principles with nationalist aspirations. Similarly, Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar published The Comrade (in English) and Hamdard (in Urdu) to mobilize both the elite and the masses Rajiv Ahir, A Brief History of Modern India, Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.329. These publications provided the intellectual foundation for the Khilafat Movement, effectively ending the era of loyalism and ushering in a period of intense Hindu-Muslim cooperation against British rule.

Feature	Aligarh School (Early Phase)	Militant Nationalist Phase
Political Stance	Loyalty to British rule; stayed away from Congress.	Anti-imperialist; collaborative with Congress.	Focus	Modern education and social reform within the community.	Political freedom and protection of the Caliphate (Khilafat).
Key Media	Tahdhib-ul-Akhlaq (Social Reform)	Al-Hilal, The Comrade, Zamindar (Nationalism)

Sources: History, Class XI (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Towards Modernity, p.303; History, Class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Communalism in Nationalist Politics, p.74; Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM., Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.329

4. Colonial Press Laws and Nationalist Resistance (intermediate)

To understand the nationalist movement, one must view the press as the primary battlefield of ideas. In 19th-century India, newspapers were not merely business ventures; they were tools for political education and mass mobilization. While the British initially saw the press as a means to reach the elite, they grew increasingly paranoid as Indian editors began using 'criticism and censure' to dismantle the myth of colonial benevolence Rajiv Ahir, A Brief History of Modern India, Chapter: Survey of British Policies in India, p.535. The struggle followed a cyclical pattern: the colonial state would pass a repressive law to 'gag' the press, and nationalists would innovate new ways to resist, often at the cost of their freedom.

The legal architecture of repression evolved in response to the rising tide of nationalism. A major turning point was the Vernacular Press Act of 1878 (often called the 'Gagging Act'), which specifically targeted Indian-language papers to prevent them from 'infecting' the rural masses with anti-colonial thought. Though repealed in 1882, the British returned to heavy-handed tactics during the Swadeshi and anti-partition movements. Acts passed in 1908 and 1910 gave the government sweeping powers to confiscate printing presses and demand heavy securities, essentially attempting to bankrupt the nationalist voice History, Class XII (Tamil Nadu State Board), Impact of World War I, p.36.

During the First World War, the state tightened its grip further using the Defence of India Rules. This period saw the rise of a 'radical nationalist press' that was instrumental in movements like the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation. Leaders like Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar (through The Comrade and Hamdard) and Abul Kalam Azad (through Al-Hilal) used their journals to shift public sentiment from conservative loyalty to militant anti-imperialism. By the time the Civil Disobedience Movement began in the 1930s, the British responded with the Indian Press (Emergency Powers) Act, 1931, which even made the publication of news related to Congress activity illegal Rajiv Ahir, A Brief History of Modern India, Chapter: Development of Indian Press, p.562.

Sources: Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM., Survey of British Policies in India, p.535; History , class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.36; Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM., Development of Indian Press, p.562

5. The Precursor to Unity: The Lucknow Pact of 1916 (intermediate)

By 1916, the Indian national movement underwent a profound transformation, moving from a phase of internal division to one of powerful, albeit temporary, consolidation. The Lucknow Session of 1916 is landmarked by two significant reunions: the homecoming of the Extremists into the Indian National Congress (INC) and the historic Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All India Muslim League. This shift was largely facilitated by leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Annie Besant, who realized that the British would only yield to a united front Tamilnadu state board, Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.33. The atmosphere was ripe for cooperation as the League had begun shifting away from its initial stance of 'loyalism' toward 'nationalism,' partly due to Britain's conflict with the Ottoman Empire (the Caliphate) during World War I.

The Lucknow Pact itself was a joint memorandum of political reforms. The Congress and the League agreed on a common goal: Self-Government or 'Dominion Status' within the British Empire. To achieve this unity, the Congress made a controversial but tactical concession by accepting Separate Electorates for Muslims — an arrangement where only Muslims could vote for Muslim candidates in reserved seats Tamilnadu state board, Communalism in Nationalist Politics, p.76. While this provided an 'official seal' on a separate political identity for Muslims, it also allowed the two organizations to present a single set of demands to the British Government, creating a sense of national enthusiasm that forced the British to reconsider their policy of ignoring nationalist demands Bipin Chandra, Nationalist Movement 1905—1918, p.259.

The significance of this pact cannot be overstated. It was the moment when Mohammad Ali Jinnah, then a member of both the Congress and the League, was hailed by Sarojini Naidu as the "Ambassador of Hindu–Muslim Unity" Tamilnadu state board, Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.36. Although the acceptance of separate electorates would have long-term communal implications, its immediate impact was the creation of a massive, united anti-imperialist front. This synergy between the educated elite of both communities served as the essential precursor to the grassroots mass mobilization seen during the upcoming Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movements.

Sources: History, class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.33, 36; Modern India, Bipin Chandra, History class XII (NCERT 1982 ed.), Nationalist Movement 1905—1918, p.259; History, class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Communalism in Nationalist Politics, p.76

6. The Intellectual Vanguard: Leading Khilafat Journals (exam-level)

In the early 20th century, the Khilafat Movement was not merely a series of street protests; it was an intellectual awakening fueled by a radical nationalist press. This "Intellectual Vanguard" played a crucial role in shifting Indian Muslim sentiment away from the traditionally loyalist and conservative Aligarh School toward a more militant, anti-imperialist nationalism. Leaders of the movement understood that to challenge British policy regarding the Ottoman Caliphate, they needed to engage both the British administration and the Indian masses simultaneously. As noted in History, Class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.37, the dismemberment of the Caliphate was seen as a blow to Islam, and these journals became the primary vehicles to articulate that grievance.

The most prominent voice was Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, who utilized a two-pronged media strategy. He published The Comrade in English to reach the educated elite and British officials, effectively presenting the Khilafat case in the language of the colonizer. For the Urdu-speaking masses, he produced Hamdard, which served to mobilize grassroots support. Simultaneously, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, a scholar of Islam and a future pillar of the Indian National Congress (Politics in India since Independence, Class XII (NCERT 2025 ed.), Era of One-party Dominance, p.30), edited the revolutionary journal Al-Hilal. Azad’s writings were instrumental in convincing the Muslim community that their religious identity was inseparable from the struggle for India's freedom, thereby paving the way for the historic Hindu-Muslim unity seen during the Non-Cooperation era.

Journal	Editor / Leader	Primary Language	Target Audience
The Comrade	Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar	English	British officials & Indian intelligentsia
Hamdard	Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar	Urdu	The Muslim masses
Al-Hilal	Maulana Abul Kalam Azad	Urdu	Youth & Religious scholars
Zamindar	Maulana Zafar Ali Khan	Urdu	Common public in Punjab

These publications acted as the nervous system of the Khilafat Committee, which was formed in 1919 under the leadership of the Ali brothers, Maulana Azad, and others to force a change in British attitude Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM, Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.330. By providing an independent agency for Muslim political thought, these journals ensured that the movement remained radical, anti-colonial, and deeply intertwined with the broader nationalist struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi.

Sources: History, class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.), Impact of World War I on Indian Freedom Movement, p.37; Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM, Non-Cooperation Movement and Khilafat Aandolan, p.330; Politics in India since Independence, Class XII (NCERT 2025 ed.), Era of One-party Dominance, p.30

7. Solving the Original PYQ (exam-level)

Now that you have explored the rise of militant nationalism and the ideological shift within the Muslim intelligentsia, this question tests your ability to identify the specific literary vehicles that drove the Khilafat Movement. You’ve learned that the older "Aligarh School's" pro-British stance was eventually challenged by a new generation of radical leaders like the Ali Brothers and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. To succeed here, you must connect these leaders to their respective journals: The Comrade and Hamdard (Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar), Al-Hilal (Azad), and Zamindar (Zafar Ali Khan). These were not just newspapers; they were the independent agencies of political thought that shifted the community toward cooperation with the Indian National Congress.

To arrive at the correct answer, (D) Comrade, Hamdard, Zamindar and Al Hilal, use the process of comprehensive selection. While Option (A) correctly identifies Jauhar’s publications, it is incomplete. UPSC often includes partially correct options to test if you can identify the most exhaustive and accurate set. By recognizing that Al-Hilal was the cornerstone of Abul Kalam Azad's anti-imperialist rhetoric and Zamindar was the voice of the movement in Punjab, you can confidently conclude that only (D) captures the full vanguard of the radical press as detailed in A Brief History of Modern India by Rajiv Ahir (Spectrum).

Avoid common traps by scrutinizing Option (B) and Option (C). The inclusion of the Hindustan Times in Option (B) is a classic context trap; while it was a vital nationalist daily, it was established later (1924) and was not a primary organ of the Khilafat leadership. Similarly, Muslim Voice in Option (C) lacks the historical weight and specific "militant" association of the other four papers. Always look for the set that aligns perfectly with the primary leaders and the 1919–1924 timeline you studied in your learning path.