Consider the following statements 1. The total elective membership of the Lok Sabha is distributed among the States on the basis of the population and the area of the State. 2. The 84th Amendment Act of the Constitution of India lifted the freeze on the delimitation of constituencies imposed by the 42nd Amendment. Which of the statements given above is/are correct ?

1. Composition of Lok Sabha & Article 81 (basic)

The Lok Sabha, or the 'House of the People', represents the citizens of India at the federal level. Under Article 81, the Constitution fixes the maximum strength of the House at 550 members (originally 552, but two seats for the Anglo-Indian community were abolished via the 104th Amendment). Out of these, 530 members represent the States and 20 represent the Union Territories. Currently, the House has 543 members Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Parliament, p.223. These members are chosen through direct elections based on universal adult franchise, meaning every citizen aged 18 or above has the right to vote unless disqualified by law.

To ensure democratic fairness, Article 81 mandates two specific rules for seat allocation. First, the ratio between the number of seats allotted to a state and its population must be (as far as possible) the same for all states. This ensures that every citizen's vote carries roughly the same weight across the country. However, there is a small exception: this 'uniform ratio' rule does not apply to states with a population of less than six million. Second, within each state, the state is divided into territorial constituencies such that the ratio between the population of each constituency and the number of seats (usually one) is uniform throughout that state Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Parliament, p.224.

A crucial aspect of Lok Sabha composition is the freeze on seat allocation. To ensure that states successful in population control (like those in the South) were not penalized with fewer seats, the 42nd Amendment Act (1976) froze the total number of seats based on the 1971 census. This freeze was later extended by the 84th Amendment Act (2001) until the first census taken after the year 2026. While the total number of seats remains fixed, the internal boundaries of constituencies were readjusted based on the 2001 census under the Delimitation Act of 2002 to correct internal population shifts Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Delimitation Commission of India, p.530.

Sources: Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Parliament, p.223-224; Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Delimitation Commission of India, p.530

2. Readjustment after Census (Article 82) (basic)

Hello! Let's dive into Article 82 of the Constitution, which is the mechanism that keeps our democracy representative as our population grows and shifts. At its heart, Article 82 mandates that after every Census, two major things must be readjusted: the allocation of seats in the Lok Sabha to the states, and the division of each state into territorial constituencies. The goal is simple but profound: to ensure that the ratio between the number of seats and the population remains roughly equal across all states and within them, upholding the principle of 'one vote, one value.' Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Parliament, p.224.

However, you might notice that the number of seats in the Lok Sabha hasn't actually changed in decades. This is because of a deliberate policy decision. In 1976, the 42nd Amendment Act froze the allocation of seats based on the 1971 Census to ensure that states performing well in population control (family planning) weren't "punished" by losing political representation. This freeze was later extended by the 84th Amendment Act (2001) until the first census taken after the year 2026. Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Delimitation Commission of India, p.530.

It is vital to distinguish between total seats and internal boundaries. While the total number of seats for a state is frozen based on 1971 figures, the boundaries of constituencies within a state can be redrawn to account for internal migration (e.g., people moving from villages to cities). Under the 87th Amendment Act (2003), this internal "rationalization" is currently based on the population figures of the 2001 Census, ensuring that constituencies within a state have roughly equal populations without changing the state's total seat count. Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Election Laws, p.580.

Sources: Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Parliament, p.224; Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Delimitation Commission of India, p.530; Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth(7th ed.), Election Laws, p.580

3. The Delimitation Commission: Structure and Powers (intermediate)

At its heart, delimitation is the process of redrawing the boundaries of territorial constituencies for the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies. Why do we do this? In a democracy, every vote should ideally carry equal weight. As populations shift, grow, or migrate, the old boundaries can lead to malapportionment—where one MP might represent two million people while another represents only five hundred thousand. To prevent this, Article 82 of the Constitution mandates that Parliament enact a Delimitation Act after every census Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Chapter 71, p. 530.

The Delimitation Commission is a statutory body, meaning it is established by an Act of Parliament, not directly by the Constitution itself. It is appointed by the President of India and works in close collaboration with the Election Commission Indian Constitution at Work, NCERT Class XI, ELECTION AND REPRESENTATION, p. 65. Its primary task is to ensure that the ratio between the number of seats and the population is, as far as practicable, the same across all constituencies. It also identifies which seats should be reserved for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) based on the proportion of their population in the state Indian Constitution at Work, NCERT Class XI, ELECTION AND REPRESENTATION, p. 65.

The composition of the Commission is designed to ensure technical expertise and neutrality. For instance, the 2002 Commission (the fourth one established) followed a specific three-member structure:

Member Type	Description
Chairperson	A serving or retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India.
Ex-officio Member 1	The Chief Election Commissioner or an Election Commissioner.
Ex-officio Member 2	The State Election Commissioner of the concerned State/UT.

Additionally, the Commission includes associate members (5 MPs and 5 MLAs from the state being delimited) to provide local insight, though they do not have the right to vote on the final decisions Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Chapter 71, p. 531.

Perhaps the most striking feature of the Commission is its extraordinary power. To insulate the process from political interference and endless litigation, the law provides that the orders of the Delimitation Commission have the force of law. They are laid before the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies, but these bodies have no power to modify them. Most importantly, these orders cannot be challenged in any court of law Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Chapter 71, p. 530. This ensures that the election cycle is not delayed by legal disputes over map boundaries.

Sources: Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Chapter 71: Delimitation Commission of India, p.530-531; Indian Constitution at Work, NCERT Class XI, ELECTION AND REPRESENTATION, p.65

4. Rajya Sabha: Composition and Fourth Schedule (intermediate)

The Rajya Sabha, or the Council of States, serves as the federal chamber of the Indian Parliament. Unlike the Lok Sabha, which represents the people of India directly, the Rajya Sabha represents the States and Union Territories. According to the Constitution, the maximum strength of the Rajya Sabha is fixed at 250. However, it currently has 245 members: 225 representing the states, 8 representing the Union Territories (Delhi, Puducherry, and Jammu & Kashmir), and 12 members nominated by the President for their special knowledge in literature, science, art, and social service Laxmikanth, M. Indian Polity, Parliament, p.223.

The allocation of these seats among the various states and union territories is not arbitrary; it is governed by the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution. India does not follow the principle of 'symmetrical representation' (where every state gets equal seats regardless of size, like in the US Senate). Instead, seats are allotted primarily on the basis of population NCERT, Indian Constitution at Work, Legislature, p.104. This ensures that more populous states have a greater voice in the federal chamber, though it also means smaller states like Goa or Sikkim have significantly fewer representatives than states like Uttar Pradesh.

The method of filling these seats is through indirect election. The representatives of a state are elected by the elected members of that state's Legislative Assembly. This process uses the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote (STV). It is crucial to note that nominated members of the State Assemblies do not participate in this election—only the elected MLAs do Laxmikanth, M. Indian Polity, Parliament, p.223.

Feature	Symmetrical Representation (e.g., USA)	Indian Model (Rajya Sabha)
Basis	Equal status to all federal units.	Proportional to population.
Seat Count	Fixed number per state (e.g., 2 per state).	Varies (e.g., UP has 31, while Goa has 1).
Constitutional Authority	Specific Federal Laws.	Fourth Schedule.

Sources: Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Parliament, p.223; Indian Constitution at Work, NCERT, Legislature, p.104

5. Political Reservation for SCs and STs (intermediate)

To understand the composition of the Lok Sabha, we must look at how the Constitution ensures that historically marginalized groups are not left behind. Unlike a 'Separate Electorate' (where only members of a specific community vote for their own representative), India adopted 'Reserved Constituencies' within a Joint Electorate. This means that while only a person belonging to a Scheduled Caste (SC) or Scheduled Tribe (ST) can contest the election from a reserved seat, every voter in that constituency, regardless of their caste, gets to cast a vote Indian Constitution at Work (NCERT), Election and Representation, p.64. This system was designed to ensure representation while fostering national integration.

The constitutional basis for this is found in Article 330 (for the Lok Sabha) and Article 332 (for State Legislative Assemblies). The number of seats reserved is not arbitrary; it is strictly based on the proportion of their population to the total population of the State or Union Territory Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Special Provisions Relating to Certain Classes, p.557. Currently, in the Lok Sabha, 84 seats are reserved for SCs and 47 seats for STs Indian Constitution at Work (NCERT), Election and Representation, p.64.

Feature	Reserved Constituencies (Current System)	Separate Electorates (Pre-Independence)
Who can contest?	Only candidates from the SC/ST community.	Only candidates from that specific community.
Who can vote?	All eligible voters in the constituency.	Only voters belonging to that specific community.

Who decides which specific seat becomes 'reserved'? This task is handled by the Delimitation Commission, an independent body appointed by the President. For STs, the Commission usually picks constituencies with the highest concentration of tribal population. For SCs, it looks for areas with a high SC population but also tries to spread these seats across different regions of the state to avoid over-concentration Indian Constitution at Work (NCERT), Election and Representation, p.65.

Sources: Indian Constitution at Work (NCERT), Election and Representation, p.64-65; Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth, Special Provisions Relating to Certain Classes, p.557-559

6. Evolution of Seat Freezing: 42nd, 84th, and 87th Amendments (exam-level)

To understand why the number of seats in the Lok Sabha hasn't changed in decades, we must look at the tension between proportional representation and population control. Under Article 81, seats are allocated to states based on population. However, this creates a 'demographic trap': states that successfully implement family planning would see their political influence shrink, while states with high population growth would be rewarded with more seats. To prevent this, the Union government introduced a series of 'freezes' through constitutional amendments.

The journey began with the 42nd Amendment Act of 1976, which froze the allocation of seats to the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies at the 1971 census level until the year 2000 Laxmikanth, Parliament, p.224. When this freeze was set to expire, the 84th Amendment Act of 2001 extended the ban on increasing the total number of seats for another 25 years—until 2026. This ensures that the 1971 census remains the bedrock for 'inter-state' seat distribution to encourage population-limiting measures Laxmikanth, State Legislature, p.336.

However, population shifts within a state (rural to urban migration, for example) meant that some constituencies became massive while others stayed small. To fix this 'malapportionment' without changing the total seat count, the 84th Amendment allowed for the redrawing of internal boundaries (delimitation) based on the 1991 census. This was quickly updated by the 87th Amendment Act of 2003, which mandated that this internal rationalization should instead be based on the 2001 census figures Laxmikanth, Parliament, p.224.

Feature	Inter-State (Total Seats)	Intra-State (Boundaries)
Current Base Census	1971 Census	2001 Census
Next Revisions	After 2026	Ongoing/Periodic

Sources: M. Laxmikanth, Indian Polity, Parliament, p.224; M. Laxmikanth, Indian Polity, State Legislature, p.336

7. Solving the Original PYQ (exam-level)

To solve this question, you must synthesize your knowledge of Article 81 and the evolution of Delimitation Acts. The fundamental principle governing the Lok Sabha is the uniformity of representation, which ensures that each Member of Parliament represents roughly the same number of citizens. While you might intuitively feel that a state's physical size matters, the Constitution strictly dictates that the allocation of seats is based only on population, not area. This is a common UPSC trap where a logical-sounding factor (area) is inserted alongside a correct one (population) to mislead students who haven't mastered the specific constitutional wording found in Indian Polity, M. Laxmikanth.

When evaluating the second statement, look closely at the distinction between total seat counts and internal boundaries. The 42nd Amendment (1976) froze both until the year 2000. The 84th Amendment (2001) was a critical pivot: while it extended the freeze on the total number of seats allocated to each state until 2026 (to support population stabilization goals), it specifically lifted the freeze on the delimitation of internal territorial constituencies. This allowed for the readjustment of boundaries within a state to reflect population shifts since 1971 without changing the state's overall political weight in the House. Thus, Statement 2 is accurate as it describes the lifting of the restriction on boundary readjustment.

Therefore, the correct answer is (B) 2 only. Option (A) is incorrect because the "area" of a state does not determine its elective membership. Option (C) is a trap for those who confuse the 84th Amendment's extension of the seat freeze with a continued freeze on boundary delimitation. By process of elimination, once you identify that "area" is an extra-constitutional criterion for seat distribution, you can confidently discard (A) and (C), leaving you to verify the specific impact of the 84th Amendment on delimitation logic.